Q. Entrevista con JG x-presidente de sindicato de Estibadores España

Entrevista con JG

 

 

June 2007

Actualmente el presidented de la club de Natacion el la Barceloneta

Fue el presidente del sindicato de estibadores en España.

Casado con la presidente de AAVB (M.A)

 

Historia: Nació en el barrio. Su padre trabajo en el puerto como estibador también. Vivía con tus siete hermanos y padres en un cuart de casa. El padre no quería que sus hijos trabajaran en el puerto. El las escuelas era totalmente prohibido a ensañar clases en Catalán. Ganó una beca para estudiar desde el club de natación. Empezó a trabajar cuando era un adolescente.

 

J: Vivíamos en la calle. Todavía con Franco vivo pues han organizado algunos movimientos sindicales anti-Fascistas, en el pelea final. Era la dictablanda, no era la dictadura. La Barceloneta fue un barrio olvidado en la ciudad, teniamos en la pereferia. Solo una pequeño parte de la playa era libre. Los usuarios son gente rico, no del barrio. Había una barraca, un trocito de calle. Hacía mucho calor y en el verano bajaba los meses en la calle, no había coches (1970).

 

(JG is a good subject because he represents the mixed and overlaid positions of one person, in a sense of many subjectivities. He comes from a poor working class family that made it in Barcelona as it grew, he succeeded with hard work and fought for what he has. He grew up during Franco’s fascism and fought against it (I was told he was arrested and may have spent time in jail). So he identifies as a working class person, a person of the barrio and a survivor, in terms of the neighbourhood and also the union struggle. He is outspoken and righteous in his manner. So you sense that he climbed up into a middle class position, the neighbourhood has flourished and he apparently sold a house and made enough to move to the new hotel complex put in front of the barrio.

 

Yet there is little room for any thing but the free market for him. He may be taking a realist position, I don’t know if he once had dreams of a more radical socialism, or if he would identify with the Republic, but he is now a centrists and ‘produces’ the free market like an engine, in other words he is so adamant that the free market is all there is, that then that is all there is, there is no room for any discussion of anything else. Because he has seen it- first hand- he knows it- and not as an academic, not as a politician who pushed for it, or a private business man who created or promotes it, as a realist who has seen reality and thus works in this reality. He reminds me a bit of Itziar, the there is a point of view that is so closed and ‘right` because of the claim to have a privileged perspective, one that few have because of history or because of their exposure in their work, that it is a closed question – a waste of time, stupid, lies, idealists, unrealistic, immature, and outside of any worth of considering. They are both very charming and charismatic people, they are intelligent and have a lot of experience in certain areas, they in a sense talk to you as someone who has the chance to understand and then of course work with them. You feel if you oppose their conceptualization of the world that they hold on to so strongly that you will then meet their opposition, negation, and disqualification – the reasons why you are wrong and don’t really understand what you are talking about. It is formidable. This is power, and not at the top level or abstract or structural, it is interpersonal and very strong. You can imagine with the positions these people have that there is very little room for variance. The sense is that the system if it was run by a group of these people (which you could make a good case of I think) that the system is closed. In this way, the acceptance of a ‘free market’ mentality is the totalitarianism of the neoliberal system, a closed one that paradoxically totally identifies with being open.

 

 

Nos faltan de todo

 

J: Tú vives en el barrio, nos faltan de todo. Ahora empiezan el ayuntamiento inviertan dinero, entendiendo que no nos marchan. Estoy a favor de la rehabilitación que esta planteando el ayuntamiento. Lo digo boca llena (?), me da igual me llamen un especulador, me da igual ha vivido en un sindical muy dura, muy de pensión.

 

 

Nadie tiene la voz del barrio

 

J: Los hemos mostrado que nadie pueda ser el portavoz del barrio. La señora que lo te habla sobre los vecinos, ¿Quién se habla sobre la voz de los vecinos? ¿Quién autoriza? Es una mentira.

(No one has the voice of the barrio yet clearly the two associations he identifies he considers as the official ‘pilares’ of the barrio. He is attacking l’Ostia, and saying that they can not say they represent the barrio, and he has the two groups that do. What is not considered is that the very question is a debate ‘what are the politics of the barrio, who thinks they should be what? In terms of representation, majority rule, etc. This is obviously at the center of these accusations but doesn’t appear as a question. If there was to be a debate about this, that would be interesting, the structure of power is not clear, nor debated, it is all accepted as unclear and then is reactive and then also is ‘given’ to the city government. It is like an ‘adult’ discussion can not happen, it is not allowed.

 

La casa okupa, los vecinos querían que fue desalojado

 

Era clarisimo verdad a nadie tiene dudas de cual suportar el barrio desalojo los okupas, es mentira que esta diciendo la televisión en los pequeños programas, mentira. Los okupas son universitarios, gente con tarjeta de oro, ¿sabes? Tienen bastante conocimientos y medios.

 

So you have another ‘other’, the okupas which play out as a kind of ‘trickster’ in the sense that they are identified as outsider, disturbing but irrelevant, illegitimate, and out of touch with ‘reality’. For the system of power, they do play out the resistance, that which is unorderly, not fighting for power, illegal, claiming authority as young people, using fun and creativity rather than only rational western debate style. They bring up the limits and edges of the system, the intolerable, and the intolerance. They make power come out more directly in a way. They don’t value the same things so it another culture, another time frame, another spatial relationship. They are aliens in time, space, and place.

 

El Somorrostro: Los okupas habla del Somorrostro, la verdad es fuera un favela

 

Era un favela enorme en todo esta zona. El barrio no hizo absolutamente nada cuando los tiraran. Estuvo de acuerdo que los tiran. Era un cambio deseado por el barrio, casi hicimos una fiesta. Cuando llamaran (los okupas) sobre el Somorrostro no saben absolutamente nada. El mar era sucio, era una salida directa, era un rió con todas los ‘quades’ de Barcelona.

 

History is produced in a particular way to create a story of justification for neoliberal intervention, a story of progress, of even the poor over the Rich, of a peoples movement and Desire that the city carried out. A cleaning, a success for the good life, safety, health and the people verses the outsiders.

 

What other versions could there be of these ghettos, favelas, and areas that needed to be cleaned up. There could be a version of the creative, the collective, the peoples power to make life happen, the un-ordered, the possibility to ask these people what they wanted, to acknowledge their lives and spaces, to make ‘private’ property only one way of rights to land and space, that would be radical.

 

 

 

La lucha: El nuevo mundo del mercado libre y hemos sobrevivida.

 

El movimiento sindicato es un a movimiento de trabajadores para luchar por equilibrio en esta nueva mundo, de mercado libre. Para nosotros han privatizado mucho, los trabajadores movimientos son pequeños, es un dificultad, tenemos un sistema muy privatizado, los corporaciones pueden mover en cualquier lugar.

 

Vivo en el mundo que conozco bien el transporte…..estamos en el medio de todo de esta sistema, del mercado libre. Hemos tenido años de retraso, muchos, nuestras plantías han pasado, desemplantías, la mecanización, pero somos supervivientes, somos de las pocas colectivas que nos sobrevivan estos grandes ataques.

 

(He is saying that a lot of ports become totally private and they have fought to keep the port public. In 1986 they reached an agreement with the port that 51% would stay public and 49% would be private).

 

J: (Está acuerdo) está funcionando bien. Porque le cambiamos un poco, no creado en nuestro beneficio. Lo crearan porque sabían que estamos un colectivo muy duro.  (1992 toca el presidente).

 

(there is a mix here, the fight to keep the port public while the ‘new World of the free market is given all rights’,…it is a working class union position, with a fairly conservative political agenda).

 

Ahora tenemos una balanza: El Plan es para proteger el barrio

 

J: Ahora tenemos una balanza.

M: Hay un riesgo?

J: Indudablamente. El plan regula, El plan dice cuando quieres modificar su casa necesita someterse una seria de condiciones. Ahora esta haciendo a los dan a gana, que estás pagando tú por una ‘portu’ vivienda?

M: 800 euros

J: ¿Caro no?

J: El plan es para proteger el barrio….no hay una ley, viviendo en un libre mercado.  

 

(this is the logic that a Plan will Project the barrio from the private system, will set limits and without it they will be eaten, unprotected, what is happening now.)

 

No se pueda permitir dejar pasar de esto

 

J. El Plan de barrio es invertir por la primera vez, más de 15,000 milliones de euros al fondo. No se pueda permitir dejar pasar de esto.

 

(the government has created incentive by offering Money. This is also very powerful, the neighbourhood is faced with accepting the terms of the government or facing a private system with no controls. In that sense the story is that the private system has entered, and now the only hope is to control it).

 

Algunos vecinos están logrando este sistema

 

J: Esto es otro problema que tenemos aquí pero nadie dicen nada porque algunos vecinos están logrando este sistema.¿Comprendes? Algunos en l’Ostia defendiendo en contra del Plan resuelta que un viviendas alquilando con dinero negro. Vamos a hablar de todo, de la realidad.

Yo no tengo ningún casa para alquilar, y no tengo interes, todo mi dinero era invertido en mi casa, porque entre mi hija, mi hijo, y yo marido, tenemos cuarto hipotecas. Es verdad que ganamos dinero, pero inviertan en mi casa. Todo esta problema va salir afuera, osea ahora hay un gran discusión, discutiendo ahora es muy bueno.

 

(I have heard this many times by different parties. This seems very insidious, a kind of crack in the neighbourhood, a division that is part of the black market, it becomes personal, and the level shifts from the structure to the personal conflicts and rumours, the sense of a game in which there are accuasations of cheating, but there is not sense that they have been played- by a larger system to have to fight and maybe cheat amongst each other.

 

It feel colonial, like divide and conquer. A system of rewards is created in which the collective is isolated, each are given individual resources and can win or lose based on their individual decisions. There is not a collective here, this is a capitalist system that has arrived.

 

 

No soy un par de copas de nadie

 

J: Yo no soy de POSE, claro en todo mi vida, ni ningún partido político. Lo que ocurre es hemos tenido tripartido de izquierda durante toda la vida democratica Barcelona. Y indudablemente el alcalde de Clos era regidor de districto de Cuitat Vella. Yo estaba en la entidad que ahoara e la entidad más importante en Cuitat Vella.

(The city government is produced in two ways, as a political machine that manipulates and forms parties that are not out for public interest, but private gain. So they are bad. Then there is the city government that makes Plans that can protect and give money).

 

 

Tenemos los mismos intereses

 

Lo que hemos hecho es algo normal. La asociación de vecinos (AAVB) quien que estar codo con codo con la Agrupació de Comerciantes porque son dos pilares del barrio. Definido porque tenemos los mismos intereses.

 

Ellos (comerciantes) quieran que venga gente del barrio para sus negocios. Ellos son vecinos, muchos, por lo tanto quieran no hay ruido, hay limpieza, seguridad. Hay una relación estrecha entre AAVB y comerciantes. Por primera vez en la historia del barrio.

 

(This is classic and potent. The barrio has its power relations and he is saying that the private system at the neighbourhood level has the same interests as the neighbours with a kind of totality, there is no plurality, there is one system and within this system there are differences but in general agreement, interesting that it is the 1st time in history. What happened before?).